أحدث الفصل ٤٩ من الدستور تغييراَ جذرياً في منظومة حماية حقوق الإنسان في تونس، إذ يكاد يكون المادة الجامعة الوحيدة في الدساتير العربية التي تضع الشروط والمعايير المتعلقة بتنظيم الحقوق والحريات وضبط إطار لتدخل المشرع ومختلف السُلط [وفق السياق التونسي، ويقصد بها السلطات] العمومية بالاستناد إلى مبدأ التناسب بين ضوابط تقييد الحقوق وموجباتها.
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أحدث الفصل ٤٩ من الدستور تغييراَ جذرياً في منظومة حماية حقوق الإنسان في تونس، إذ يكاد يكون المادة الجامعة الوحيدة في الدساتير العربية التي تضع الشروط والمعايير المتعلقة بتنظيم الحقوق والحريات وضبط إطار لتدخّل المشرع ومختلف السلط العمومية بالاستناد إلى مبدأ التناسب بين ضوابط تقييد الحقوق وموجباتها.
أحدث الفصل ٤٩ من الدستور تغييراَ جذرياً في منظومة حماية حقوق الإنسان في تونس، إذ يكاد يكون المادة الجامعة الوحيدة في الدساتير العربية التي تضع الشروط والمعايير المتعلقة بتنظيم الحقوق والحريات وضبط إطار لتدخّل المشرع ومختلف السلط العمومية بالاستناد إلى مبدأ التناسب بين ضوابط تقييد الحقوق وموجباتها.
أحدث الفصل ٤٩ من الدستور التونسي تغييراً جذرياً في منظومة حماية حقوق الإنسان، إذ يكاد يكون المادة الجامعة الوحيدة في الدساتير العربية التي تضع الشروط والمعايير المتعلقة بتنظيم الحقوق والحريات وضبط إطار لتدخّل المشرع ومختلف السلط العمومية بالاستناد إلى مبدأ التناسب بين ضوابط تقييد الحقوق وموجباتها. فقد تم بمقتضى الفصل ٤٩ دسترة مبدأ قانوني هام وهو مبدأ التناسب باعتباره منهجاً واختباراً من الضروري إعماله من قبل كافة المتدخلين في هذا المجال حتى تتم عقلنة هذا التدخل وضمان حماية أنجع وأد
The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated the fragile socio-economic situation in the countries of North Africa, compounded existing challenges and created new challenges to democratization in the region. While much attention has been paid to the question of the consequences of COVID-19 for electoral processes, its impact on constitutionalism and the rule of law in the countries of North Africa has received relatively less attention.
International IDEA’s Annual Review of Constitution-Building Processes provides a retrospective account of constitutional transitions around the world, the issues that drive them, and their implications for national and international politics.
تلعب المحكمة الدستورية دوراً رئيسياً في ضمان سيادة القانون عبر ضمان سيادة الدستور، والحفاظ على الشرعية وصيانة استقرار النظام السياسي بالحفاظ على التوازن بين سلطات الدولة وتوفير مرجعية لحل النزاعات والخلافات السياسية
عبر التفسير الدستوري والمراجعة القضائية والفصل في النتائج الانتخابية، وهي بذلك تلعب دوراً سياسياً بالغ الأهمية رغم صبغتها القضائية التي تفترض عدم الانحياز والنأي عن التجاذبات والمصالح السياسية المتناقضة. ويستلزم هذا الدور
International IDEA is hosting the 6th High Level Meeting of the Inter-Regional Dialogue on Democracy (IRDD), to discuss the theme of Gender Equality and Political Empowerment of Women. This year the High Level Meeting will take place on 8 November 2016, at the Headquarters of the Council of Europe in Strasbourg, France.
This report consists of five chapters, covering general areas in constitution building (including the separation of powers, fundamental rights, and decentralization) and some areas that are specifically relevant to Libya (including natural resources and corruption).
While many countries have addressed political party finance constitutionally, such provisions are usually phrased in general terms, leaving the details to law and to the regulations promulgated by enforcement agencies.
Legal reforms to political party finance systems are not a panacea: but when written and implemented well, the legal framework can help address significant challenges that face political party systems.
For over two decades, since the start of the so-called second wave of democratization, many voices in the Arab world have been calling for the implementation of radical reforms to the systems, institutions, frameworks and practices of all levels of governance in the region.
Beginning in late 2010, from Tunisia, Egypt and Libya to Syria, Yemen, Bahrain and Jordan, countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region have experienced individualized versions of what has come to be known as ‘The Arab Spring’.
In this context, moreover, these countries are now confronting their own versions of the multi-faceted, multi-layered democratic transition agenda.
The level of political representation of women in different legislative bodies around the world varies greatly, standing at 16.9 percent in the world’s legislatures in 2006 on average.
The uneven political playing field on which women and men compete has led to a number of reforms—primarily quotas or other positive action strategies—designed to safeguard the presence of women in parliament.
Internal pressures and advocacy for change have raised awareness and precipitated debates about the nature and need for reform processes in many Arab countries.
Such debates have drawn in a diverse range of groups articulating interests and defining their own political programmes. In this context, electoral processes, women's participation and political parties have emerged as central issues in political reform agendas in the Arab world.
Internal pressures and advocacy for change have raised awareness and precipitated debates about the nature and need for reform processes in many Arab countries.
Such debates have drawn in a diverse range of groups articulating interests and defining their own political programmes. In this context, electoral processes, women's participation and political parties have emerged as central issues in political reform agendas in the Arab world.
The process of building democracy in complex transitions is a daunting but necessary task.
The design of political, institutional and legal systems can play a critical role in ensuring the sustainability and the advancement of democratic systems, by providing adequate mechanisms to manage conflicts within limits of peaceful coexistence and by promoting consensus around a set of core principles.
Internal pressures and advocacy for change have raised awareness and precipitated debates about the nature and need for reform processes in many Arab countries.
Such debates have drawn in a diverse range of groups articulating interests and defining their own political programmes. In this context, electoral processes, women's participation and political parties have emerged as central issues in political reform agendas in the Arab world.